A bill to fuse two militaries. Follow what it builds, and who gets paid.

Palantir began inside the US intelligence community — CIA, FBI, NSA. Its software ingests vast streams of data and surfaces patterns: where people are, where they move, what to strike. Its own 2025 annual report (10-K) states it has provided “platforms, products, personnel, and services to support operations in conflict zones, including those associated with the ongoing… Israel and broader Middle East conflicts.” In March 2024 the US Army selected Palantir to build TITAN, described in the filing as the Army’s “first AI-defined vehicle.” As of December 2025 it held $11.2 billion in remaining deal value and $12.3 billion in outstanding contracts.

Shield AI builds drones that navigate and act without a human at the controls. In September 2025 it raised $1.5 billion. Its systems have been used in Israel and Ukraine. This is the kind of “counter-UAS” and autonomous capability Section 1223 funds the joint development of.

RTX’s Raytheon business makes integrated air and missile defence, interceptors, smart weapons, advanced sensors and radars, and hypersonics — weapons that travel faster than five times the speed of sound. RTX reported more than $88 billion in 2025 sales. On 3 June 2026 it booked a $515 million US Navy radar contract. These are exactly the systems Section 224 lets US plants co-produce.

Lockheed Martin: Aeronautics, Missiles & Fire Control, Space. Boeing Defense lists the F-47 stealth fighter, F-15EX, F/A-18 and B-52. Northrop Grumman lists satellites and 6th-generation aircraft. These are the firms whose boards you can examine in panel 03, Who profits — and they are the same client list as the bank in panel 04.

France built the Dimona reactor in the Negev desert in the late 1950s and early 1960s. A 1960 CIA intelligence report, declassified and published by the National Security Archive in December 2024, stated the site “was for weapons.” Kennedy demanded inspections; Johnson dropped the demand and sold Israel tanks and jets instead. In 1969 Kissinger told Nixon that Israel had pledged not to “introduce” nuclear weapons — and Israel privately redefined “introduce” to mean: do not test, do not deploy, do not tell anyone. That has been the policy ever since.

Israel is estimated to hold around 90 plutonium warheads, with fissile material for 100–200. It fields Jericho III missiles with an estimated 4,000 km range and submarine-launched capability. It has never signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The uranium comes from Negev phosphate rock, extracted at the Negev Phosphates Chemicals Company at Mishor Rotem — a process that runs outside IAEA safeguards. This is the same phosphate-to-uranium route Iraq was invaded over in 2003.

Iraq was invaded partly over a nuclear programme that never produced a weapon. Iran faces sanctions and strikes over a programme that never produced a weapon. Israel holds roughly 90 confirmed warheads and has faced no inspections, no sanctions, no Security Council resolutions. In May 2026 Rep. Joaquin Castro stated on the record that the US has “voluntarily remained in the dark on Israel’s nuclear weapons for nearly six decades.”

JPMorgan has been named the single largest financier of companies that build nuclear weapons. The client list reads like this file’s boards: RTX, Boeing, Lockheed, Northrop, Honeywell, L3Harris, BAE, Rolls-Royce, Babcock, Bechtel and General Dynamics — twenty of the twenty-four known warhead-builders. The bank is not adjacent to the arms trade. It is its balance sheet.

In October 2025 JPMorgan announced a $1.5 trillion, ten-year Security & Resilience Initiative. Its advisory council is built from military generals and former Secretaries of State and Defense. Its five pillars include defence and aerospace — munitions, missiles, hypersonics — and energy, including nuclear. Jamie Dimon set it out in his own words in the bank’s FY2025 annual-report letter. The bank also hired Heather Zichal, a former Obama climate deputy, which puts a green frame around a plan whose core is weapons.

The bank that finances the weapons also seeded the targeting software. JPMorgan was Palantir’s first private client and holds roughly 35 million shares. Inside the bank, Palantir’s “Metropolis” was run by Peter Cavicchia III as an employee-surveillance system. The software that decides targets abroad began as a tool watching staff at home.

The three largest asset managers — BlackRock, Vanguard and State Street — together manage about $30 trillion, much of it ordinary people’s pensions. They are the top owners of JPMorgan, of Palantir, and of the weapons-makers (BlackRock holds 10.6% of RTX, Vanguard 5.2%). The loop closes on the public: the retirement savings of ordinary people are invested in the machine this bill funds.